How RSS broke the stereotypes in Northeast and bridged the divide

The real canvas of the RSS in the northeast is much larger and more impactful than it is generally perceived.

(RSSFACTS is a column that demystifies the functioning, organisational structure and ideology of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.)

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s journey over the last 100 years, whenever recounted and analysed by both its supporters and critics, often overlooks its work in the ‘northeastern’ region of India.

One of the key reasons for this shortage of literature and discussion on the RSS’s work in the northeast is that there has hardly been any documentation on this even within the RSS itself. This gap is likely to be filled, to some extent, by Rouhin Deb and Nabaarun Barooah through a seminal and first-of-its-kind study titled “The Sangh Parivar’s 100 Years of Relentless Efforts in Bridging the Northeast”, which brings out an interesting perspective.

The RSS’s work in the northeast has been stereotyped as a unidimensional initiative to check ‘religious’ conversions, primarily by Christian missionaries. However, the real canvas of the Sangh in the northeast is much larger and more impactful than it is generally perceived.

Why the RSS in the Northeast is a Unique Case Study

The RSS is often described as a ‘Hindu’ organisation. Among the northeastern states, only Assam, Manipur, and Tripura have significant Hindu populations, while Arunachal Pradesh is home to a large number of animist people. The remaining states—Nagaland, Mizoram, and Meghalaya—have Christian majorities due to the strong influence of the Church. The region also faces the problem of illegal influxes of Bengali Muslim immigrants from Bangladesh in states such as Assam, Meghalaya, and Tripura, along with the immigration of ethnic Burmese people in Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur, and Mizoram. In addition, the northeast has witnessed several ethnic movements such as those led by the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN), United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT), and the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB), among others.

According to Deb and Barooah, “Despite these threefold challenges, the Sangh Parivar has made a significant mark in the region socially and culturally over time. These factors make the northeast an interesting case study for political scientists.”

How the RSS Did It

The first RSS shakha in the northeast was started in Guwahati on 28 October 1946. According to RSS’s own records, accessed by Deb and Barooah, the establishment of RSS activities in Assam was attributed to the efforts of Keshav Dev Bawri, a young Marwari entrepreneur and proprietor of the Mahavir Byayam Sangh gymnasium in Fancy Bazar. Bawri, closely associated with Shankarlal Sharma, a member of Mahavir Byayam Sangh who had some knowledge of the RSS, wrote to the RSS leadership in Delhi, urging them to establish a presence in Assam.

The RSS responded by sending three experienced pracharaks (full-time workers) from Maharashtra—Dadarao Parmarth, Vasant Rao Oak, and Krishna Paranjpe—to Guwahati on 27 October 1946. The very next day, the first RSS shakha was started in Guwahati.

Right from the beginning, the RSS approach was clear: its workers had to assimilate these regional, linguistic, and tribal identities first, and then build sentiments along nationalistic lines. In a sense, they constructed narratives from scratch and won over the people using a plethora of different measures, ranging from the defence of indigenous faiths to social service. Despite the intricate complexities, the RSS used several innovations to reach every nook and corner of the region. A number of national organisations helped in this outreach—Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, Vidya Bharati, Rashtra Sevika Samiti, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, and Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, to name a few. These efforts were ably aided by a dozen new organisations created at a local level. For example, to start social service projects, the RSS set up the Pahari Sewa Sangh in the 1950s. This body focused on fostering social connections; RSS volunteers were deployed in tribal areas, actively participating in the daily lives of tribals, constructing small temples, repairing roads, and organising religious gatherings. It was later absorbed into the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram.

Focus on Indigenous Identity

The key to the RSS’s success in the northeast, especially in states like Nagaland and Mizoram, where the Christian population dominates the demography, is its focus on preserving and protecting the indigenous faiths of the local populace and their tribal identity. Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram has played a lead role in this. It has revived the Donyi-Polo and Rangfrah faiths in Arunachal Pradesh, Sanamahism in Manipur, the Zeliangrong Heraka movement in Nagaland, and the Seng Khasi movement in Meghalaya.

To protect the indigenous identity, the RSS also forged alliances to counter Christian missionaries. Immediately after the VHP was set up in the mid-1960s, it collaborated with local tribal leaders, including Rani Gaidinliu, known for her resistance against British rule and Christian missionary influence on Zeliangrong Naga culture in Manipur.

Sacrifices

The RSS has borne the brunt of terrorist organisations and separatist movements in this region. In 2005, in Nalbari, RSS functionary Sukleswar Medhi was shot dead by ULFA terrorists outside Balitara High School, where he taught. Four years before this incident, in 2001, another senior regional-level functionary, Shyamal Sengupta, along with three pracharaks (full-time RSS workers)—Dinendranath De, Sudhamoy Dutta, and Subhankar Chakraborty—were killed by the NLFT in Tripura after two years of their abduction and repeated torture. There have been many such incidents where RSS workers have been killed, harassed, assaulted, or threatened by separatists and terrorists in the northeastern region.

Conclusion

The journey of the RSS in the northeast is a riveting account of how an organisation with meagre resources and a small band of highly motivated cadres has traversed through a complex maze of ethnic, political, social, and linguistic identities. In the highly fragmented politics and amidst the all-pervasive ethnic divide that simmered after independence in this region, the RSS has successfully built a cohesive socio-cultural coalition in the northeast. This is a unique phenomenon. All of this has been done with the primary aim of bridging the divide between the northeast and the rest of India and protecting the culture and indigenous faith. The journey continues as the RSS turns 100 this year.

Earlier RSSFACTS columns can be read here.