Land pooling—who’s policy is it anyway?

Much as I would like to applaud the recent announcements of the ministry of housing and urban affairs, one cannot but reflect on past indecisions that have led to a complete erosion of trust in policy implementation in Delhi.

The Master Plan of Delhi 2021 (MPD2021) was notified with much fanfare in 2007. Forget about completion by 2021, it hasn’t even started.

Rhetorical proclamations about mandatory pooling to ‘convert Delhi into a global megapolis’ are lost among stakeholders who think that pragmatism has eluded policymaking. Comparatively, Gurugram has developed almost 20,000 hectares in the same period.

Shifting goalposts

The land-pooling policy of Delhi has seen three editions/versions over the past decade, with each facing the same end result: zero implementation. The one that’s currently struggling for implementation was released in 2018. While various states are simplifying rules and laying out the red carpet for institutional investors, Delhi is practicing socialist-era methodologies.

The multiplicity of authorities in Delhi is the biggest curse against organised development. Landowners, investors, developers and financial stakeholders are confused about the problem of plenty. Like crabs in an open barrel, investors fear they will be pulled back. For the record, when investments into India are surging, the capital of the country isn’t attracting any. And the policy doesn’t address this.

Teflon accountability

At last count, investments of over Rs 40,000 crore were stuck in Delhi land with no exit in sight. If this had happened elsewhere, heads would’ve rolled.

The most-ignored catchphrase in the Delhi Development Authority seems to be ‘single-window clearance.’ So far, we haven’t seen any proof of DDA acting as a facilitator for the stakeholders. Don’t forget, DDA currently dons the mantle of planner, implementer, facilitator and regulator. Can it be all?

‘Urbanisation, internet and engagement are acts in continuum.’

Wonder what made DDA think that opening the web portal for two months at a time would motivate landowners to pool their land? Three years have gone by and less than one-third of the landowners have sent in their expressions of interest. Why not keep it perennially open?

If the National Capital Territory of Delhi has been declared urban, why are provisions of the DLR Act, 1954,  (Delhi Land Reforms Act, 1954) still applicable? In a data-driven world, the revenue department still practices ‘manual means’ for obvious reasons.

Covid-19 presented a sterling example of how policymakers, service providers, institutional investors and other stakeholders delivered lifesaving solutions in a timebound manner. No such intent was ever shown in the case of landowners and investors in Delhi.

Policymakers continue to engage selectively and forget that land is nothing but raw material for urbanisation for raising the quality of life for a burgeoning population. A careful analysis of public hearings would reveal a different picture. It sounds nice to read on paper about high-intensity development with a 400 FAR (floor-area ratio) but the truth is that the actual FAR would be less than 100 on the gross land.

Policy alchemist

Agreed that ‘mandatory pooling’ has been announced, but can it be implemented? The policy mandates formation of a consortium that would take collective decisions. Would that mean that the government can force one set of unwilling landowners to partner another set of private landowners? Is that even permissible? What constitutes a consortium? Who would lead? Who would collect? A consortium is akin to inserting ‘panchayati’ principles into financial investment.

Why would a developer owning 100-150 acres of land be forced to partner a farmer with 5 acres, and vice versa? Why would an institutional investor risk its capital when a dispute is a near certainty? Why should there be a consortium of 500 acres with an equal number of owners?

This shows why only about 16 of the 129 proposed sectors are even likely to take off in the first phase.

What about the trunk infrastructure to these areas? Let’s not forget DDA had the monopoly while developing Rohini, Dwarka and Vasant Kunj and it could mandatorily acquire land. The laws have changed since.

While cities around the NCT of Delhi are amending laws to accelerate the creation of physical and social infrastructure, Delhi has sadly shut its eye to the 10,000-odd unauthorised colonies.

(Ramesh Menon is an independent policy analyst for Master Plan of Delhi 2021. Views expressed are personal.)