Recent communal violence in Nagpur over the issue of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb's tomb, unfortunately, denotes a significant milestone for the Hindutva movement. With this, it has possibly breached the last and the arguably most durable of secular bastions in India.
Incidentally, the communal flare-up occurred in close proximity to the RSS headquarter in city's Mahal area and its sprawling installation called Smruti Mandir, where its most important programmes are held.
Immediate trigger for the violence
It all started with Bajrang Dal and Vishwa Hindu Parishad activists burning the effigy of Aurangzeb near Chitnis Park in Mahal. Muslims allege that the Hindutva activists also burnt a green chadar (cloth) that had Quranic verses printed on it. Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis on March 19 refuted the allegation.
Videos of the alleged incident went viral leading to the situation turning riotous by evening.
With the exception of a fairly controlled tension that had gripped the city after demolition of Babri mosque at Ayodhya, Hindu-Muslim friction returned to Nagpur after peace of more than three decades in the backdrop of incrementally growing anti-Muslim vitriol.
Import of riots in the city of Zero Mile Stone
So, has the Hindutva movement that began at Nagpur in 1925 in the form of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) come a full circle at its birthplace in its centenary year? Does this possibly mean that it has proved its communal mettle most convincingly ever?
Given the long-standing secular and cosmopolitan character of the city, answer to both the questions would, sadly, be in the affirmative.
While Nagpur has been known for being India's geographical center, the Zero Mile Stone being located here, its mouth-watering oranges and, of course, the RSS itself, very few seem to have noticed its natural cosmopolitanism and secularism. No wonder it has been the most peaceful among India's biggest urban centers.
Spread over 200 sq kms and with a population of over 30 lakhs, Nagpur remained insulated from the growing influence of RSS for nearly 90 of its 100 years of headquartered existence in the city.
Despite being the city of its origin, Nagpur had never responded to the RSS Hindutva appeals if its electoral history is anything to go by. By 2014, when it first elected BJP's Nitin Gadkari to Lok Sabha, the RSS ecosystem had spread far and wide in north India and states like Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and Chhattisgarh.
Nagpur never elected a BJP candidate for Lok Sabha with the sole exception of Banwarilal Purohit in 1996 prior to Gadkari’s victory.
Also, it would be unjust not to mention the strong Dalit movement pioneered by none other than Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar himself, who rebelled against Hindu religion and embraced Buddhism along with lakhs of his followers at Nagpur in 1956, thus creating a strong countervailing force against the RSS.
Unanswered questions
How did it violence break out on such a huge scale in a city that is known not to get swayed by communal rhetoric from any quarter? Were the riots pre-planned? If yes, how did the police not get wind of it? Was there an intelligence failure in a city represented by three top BJP stalwarts, CM Fadnavis, who is also the state Home Minister, Union Surface Transport Minister Nitin Gadkari and Maharashtra BJP President Chandrashekhar Bawankule?
Interestingly, the Chitnis Park area has been a favourite venue for the Hindutva leaders to hold their programmes. But despite a sizeable population of Muslims in the vicinity, no untoward incident had ever happened.
Clearly, there is more to it than the "rumour" theory being pushed by the RSS ecosystem. Whether the police will neutrally investigate this aspect remains a question. And the question of police failure was raised by none other than BJP MLA from Central Nagpur constituency, Pravin Datke.
Don’t underestimate the fallout of dynamics within the BJP
It is here that CM Fadnavis becomes answerable. He has spoiled his own case by leading the charge of the ridiculous Aurangzeb tomb protest despite being the head of the government. It makes him look like a desperate competitor of the notoriously irresponsible member of his Cabinet, Nitish Rane.
So why is an intelligent politician like Fadnavis doing this? The answer lies in the competitive communalism fever that has overtaken the BJP-who appears to be the most anti-Muslim rises fastest to the top.
And with Maharashtra posing the biggest ideological challenge to the RSS due to the enduring influence of progressive anti-Brahminism movements led by the famous trinity of Jyotiba Phule, Shahu Maharaj and Ambedkar, Fadnavis appears to have taken it upon himself to do what Narendra Modi did in Gujarat as then Chief Minister.
In 2029, the result of the race for PM's post may well get decided by Maharashtra becoming a new Gujarat.
Its cultural identity mutilated, Nagpur, meanwhile, sits uneasy right in the heart of a communally surcharged India. What's most unfortunate is that Muslim patience finally gave way in a city to which communal harmony came naturally despite being the cradle of Hindutva movement.
Of course, the last bastion can't be said to have decisively fallen yet and the secular resilience of its people could well repair the damage as time passes by.
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