Defence Minister Rajnath Singh’s recent 3-day visit to Russia highlights the continuing relevance of Moscow in India’s defence and deterrence. Co-chairing the traditional meeting of the India-Russia Inter-Governmental Commission on Military and Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-M&MTC) with his Russian counterpart, Singh reviewed the long-standing bilateral defence and security cooperation.
A notable theme during discussions was the emphasis on “resilient collaborative strength of India-Russia defence partnership”. This was particularly reflected in his commissioning the INS Tushil – a state-of-the-art multirole stealth guided missile frigate - in Kaliningrad, as part of the 2016 agreement with Russia to supply four such ships.
The second frigate is expected to be delivered early next year, a remarkable feat given that Russia is at war. The remaining vessels will be built domestically as part of the ‘Make in India’ programme. These formidable platforms will significantly bolster the Indian navy’s blue-water capabilities.
Bilateral ties feed into India’s posture of strategic autonomy
The visit, inevitably, puts the spotlight on India’s defence collaboration with Russia amidst the overhang of Western sanctions on countries doing business with Moscow. Unsurprisingly, India showcasing this exercise of strategic autonomy is anchored in both hard security concerns as well as the geo-strategic rationale of nurturing robust ties with Russia.
A large section of India’s frontline defence equipment is of Russian origin – a legacy of more than half-a-century of defence collaboration. This involves SU-30 MKI fighter jets, T-90 main battle tanks and a plethora of ships including the aircraft carrier INS Vikramaditya, submarines and frigates. With an operational shelf-life stretching decades, Russia's continuing support in the form of spare parts is critical in maintaining India’s defence preparedness.
Incidentally, Russia too has benefited from weapons exports beyond earning valuable hard currency. India’s custom-made orders have provided the innovation stimulus for Moscow to push the boundaries of its research and development (R&D). The ensuing technological breakthroughs have often filtered down to Russia’s own arsenal.
More importantly, this defence partnership has played a vital role in cultivating mutual sensitivity on each other’s core issues. Soviet Union/Russia has had a storied history of vetoing anti-India Kashmir resolutions at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). In the same vein, India has refrained from criticising Russia’s ongoing war in Ukraine. Most Indians continue to view Russia as a reliable partner. There exists a political consensus in both countries that bilateral ties be preserved.
Significance of joint R&D
Today, the “mutual trust” alluded to by Minister Singh has seen ties shift from mere buyer-seller of weapons to joint development and production. Strategists view joint R&D as the “highest form of collaboration” in inter-state relations. The co-produced Brahmos missiles pack a lethal punch. The start of its exports to third countries, including Philippines, adds a new dimension to bilateral ties. Similarly, the announcement, of a joint defence spare parts manufacturing unit in India, during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Moscow earlier this year in July, is timely.
In addition to India's needs, this India based unit will cater to the requirements of other countries. This is particularly relevant given Russia’s preoccupation with the war in Ukraine.
Russia’s hardware builds in flexibility
Crucially, Russia has sought to walk the talk of participating in India’s Atmanirbhar Bharat programme. This is reflected in the production of AK-203 rifles. These guns will be the mainstay of India’s armed forces. Notably, Indian engineers have a fairly successful track record of integrating made-in-India systems with Russian hardware. This highlights Russia’s flexibility in accommodating alien technology onto its platforms. Some of India’s Western defence partners have balked at such integration.
Recalibration of ties however is inevitable
That said, a recalibration in the India-Russia defence partnership is par for the course. Overdependence on one source is inadvisable. This will inevitably result in the whittling down of Russia’s lion’s share in India’s defence portfolio. As such, the onus is on Russia to complement the ‘Make in India’ initiative by offering unmatched cutting-edge defence technologies to stay relevant in India’s defence landscape. Interestingly, Russia retains competitive edge in sectors like missile defence and hypersonic missiles. It would also need to address priority issues such as timely deliveries of equipment and quality of spare parts. In the same vein, robust India-Russia strategic communication is perhaps required to address Russia stepping up its weapons exports to China as part of its growing dependency on Beijing to withstand the Western geopolitical pressure.
Incidentally, it is in India’s interests to wean Russia away from China. Both New Delhi and Moscow have a shared concern about China’s rise. Adding pillars to their bilateral partnership could help Russia subtly balance its China dependence. Minister Singh’s espousal of new sectors of collaboration in the form of Artificial Intelligence (AI), cyber security, space and counter-terrorism highlights this calculus. Simply put, it is hoped that Russia’s enduring interest in India would prevent Moscow from siding with Beijing in taking steps which are inimical to India’s interests.
(The author is Associate Fellow at Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses.)
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