How the 27th Amendment has shifted Pakistan’s power balance and given Asim Munir unprecedented authority

Munir’s unrivalled grip on power

Pakistan’s political landscape has undergone a seismic transformation with the passage of the 27th Constitutional Amendment, which cements Army Chief Asim Munir’s dominance over both the military and civilian institutions. Widely regarded as Pakistan’s most powerful man, Munir now formally commands unprecedented control — a move that critics say has rewritten the country’s civil-military balance and reduced democratic oversight to a façade.

Munir elevated above all others

The amendment, passed by the National Assembly on Wednesday, creates a new position — Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) — that gives Munir direct command over Pakistan’s army, navy, and air force. The change amends Article 243 of Pakistan’s Constitution, which previously stated that the “Federal Government shall have control and command of the Armed Forces” and that the “Supreme Command of the Armed Forces shall vest in the President.”

Under the revised framework, that control effectively moves from the civilian government and the presidency to Munir himself. The amendment also abolishes the Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, a post meant to balance authority among the three military branches, giving the army undisputed primacy.

This shift also extends to Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal, placing all weapons and delivery systems firmly under Munir’s control. As a result, the President’s role as Commander-in-Chief becomes purely ceremonial.

Defending the move, Defence Minister Khawaja Asif told Geo News that “defence requirements have evolved” and that the change was made through “mutual consultation” between the government and military.

However, critics see it as an institutional overreach. Former Human Rights Minister Shireen Mazari warned in Dawn that “effectively, all nuclear weapons and delivery systems will be under the army’s control, including second-strike missiles which normally fall under naval command. This could lead to command-and-control problems and time delays, especially in a warlike situation.”

Similarly, Lt Gen Asif Yasin Malik, a former Defence Secretary, told Dawn, “This amendment appears tailored to benefit a specific individual rather than to strengthen the defence structure.”

Lifetime field marshal rank and legal immunity

Beyond consolidating military command, the 27th Amendment also confers on Munir the rank of Field Marshal for life, making him only the second officer after Ayub Khan in 1959 to receive the title.

More controversially, it grants lifetime legal immunity to Munir and other five-star officers such as the Marshal of the Air Force or Admiral of the Fleet. They will “retain rank, privileges and remain in uniform for life,” and can only be removed through impeachment. This provision effectively shields Munir from any legal accountability — a privilege not even granted to military rulers of the past.

Pakistani journalist Imran Riaz Khan, quoted by Tolo News, described the implications bluntly: “Throughout his lifetime, no legal case can be filed against him; you cannot lodge any complaint. Meaning, Asim Munir can do whatever he wants during his life, even if he kills someone, commits rape, engages in oppression, or commits any other crime, the laws of Pakistan will never be able to take action against him, as he has been granted lifetime immunity.”

The government, however, defends the move. Law Minister Azam Tarar said on Saturday that Munir’s rank deserved constitutional protection “because he is the hero of the whole nation.” Munir’s promotion came after India launched Operation Sindoor in May, following which he was credited with leading Pakistan’s strategic response.

Still, critics such as lawyer Makhdoom Ali Khan have argued in Dawn that the amendment has created “a parallel authority insulated from the very rule of law it is sworn to defend.”

Curtailing the Supreme Court

The amendment also curtails the authority of Pakistan’s Supreme Court, long seen as one of the few checks on the military’s influence. It transfers the Court’s power to hear constitutional and fundamental rights cases to a newly established Federal Constitutional Court (FCC), which will also mediate provincial disputes and advise the President.

The Supreme Court will henceforth handle only civil and criminal cases and will lose the power to initiate suo motu actions — a key tool it used to investigate executive or military misconduct.

Opposition leaders have decried the move as a direct assault on judicial independence. PTI Secretary General Salman Akram Raja said the government was “decimating the judiciary” by creating a parallel system, while Senator Ali Zafar warned it would “destroy the independence of the judiciary” and trigger “friction between the federation and provinces.”

The government insists the reform is intended to clear the backlog of cases and improve efficiency — a justification that few in Pakistan’s legal community accept. PTI international spokesman Zulfi Bukhari called it “a tool for the ruling coalition to bulldoze institutional checks and balances, silence the opposition, restrict fundamental rights, and concentrate power in its own hands.”

The big takeaway

The 27th Amendment represents one of the most radical constitutional overhauls in Pakistan’s history — not through a coup, but through legislative consent. It effectively formalises what many have long claimed: the military’s supremacy over Pakistan’s civilian institutions.

For Asim Munir, the amendment marks his elevation to a level of power unseen since the eras of Ayub Khan and Zia-ul-Haq. For Pakistan’s fragile democracy, however, it raises troubling questions about accountability, institutional independence, and the future of civilian rule.

As one observer noted, “This time, the coup didn’t need tanks — just parliamentary votes.”