Karnataka elections: Muted response to BJP ending Muslim reservation speaks volumes of the community’s decline

With large numbers and negligible representation, Muslims remain a community adrift in a sea of different castes in Karnataka.

Last week,the  BJP government in Karnataka scrapped a 30-year-old 4 percent reservation for the Muslims under Other Backward Classes (OBC) quota and redistributed the same to two powerful upper castes – Lingayats and Vokkaligas, equally. The outrage has been mild, understandably.
The Congress and JD(S) don’t want to make a big fuss about it, to avoid religious polarisation, closer to assembly elections. Surprisingly, the Muslims who constitute about 12 percent of Karnataka’s total population (some say they are 16 percent) have also been largely silent, barring mild, sporadic protests.

BJP Rise, Muslim Decline

Defending its decision and dismissing injustice to Muslims comments, the BJP has maintained that 4 percent reservation under OBC quota was unconstitutional, and the Muslims can still avail reservation benefits under the proposed 10 percent Economically Weaker Sections or EWS quota.

The decision of the BJP government to do away with the Muslim quota with ease, and the response to it, tell quite a different story from the past. The Muslims who once wielded considerable clout in Karnataka politics seem to have adjusted to new sociopolitical realities and have realised the futility of huge protests. Both Congress and JD(S) have promised them that it will be restored if the BJP is voted out on May 10.

The decline of Muslim clout and participation in State politics coincided with the rise of BJP and its “Hindutva” brand of politics in Karnataka around 2008. The Congress, which has ruled the State for 50 years since 1947, had several prominent Muslim leaders and it used to field 25-30 candidates in the Assembly elections and 3-4 in the Lok Sabha polls till early 2000.

Leaderless Today
Aware of the dangers of playing the Muslim card which can benefit the BJP in a highly polarised atmosphere, the Congress has reduced its ticket quota to Muslims. The outgoing 15th Assembly has just 7 Muslim MLAs, all from the main opposition Congress. JD(S) had fielded a few Muslims, but none could win. The BJP has not fielded any Muslims since 2008.

However, BS Yediyurappa who became the chief minister in 2008 had inducted a Muslim face, Mumtaz Ali Khan, into his cabinet and made him an MLC. The party didn’t continue this practice. The JD(S) has made a Congress turncoat and former Union minister CM Ibrahim party’s state unit president with an eye on Muslim votes. But he lacks both charisma and credibility among the Muslims.

Till early 2000, Congress had many Muslim leaders who held sway over the community. After Independence, Mohammed Ali was a Muslim leader and was also state Congress president. Jagalur Imam Saib was another well-known face. With the split of Congress in 1969, the emergence of Indira Gandhi-led Congress gave birth to several young Muslim leaders, and among them CK Jaffer Sharief was the most prominent.

An eight-term MP and Railways minister, Sharief had enormous control over his community for over 30 years. He almost became Karnataka’s first Muslim chief minister in the 1990s. Despite his clout, Sharief could not become KPCC president. Besides him, IG Sanadi, Azeez Sait, SM Yahya, UT Fareed, FM Khan, Abdul Samad Siddiqui, Iqbal Ahmed Siddiqui, BM Mujahid, K Rahman Khan, R Roshan Baig and others had considerable hold over the community. The Janata Parivar had popular Muslim faces like Abdul Nazeer Saib in the 1980s.

Enter Siddaramaiah

The rise of BJP led to decline of Muslim leadership with a mass appeal and, surprisingly, a hitherto backward classes leader like Siddaramaiah emerged as their leader. His AHINDA (Minorities, Backward Classes, and Dalits) experiment to counter upper caste blocks automatically made him a Muslim leader and a majority in the community swear by his name, even today.

Unlike most Congress leaders who are reluctant to speak up openly for the Muslims, Siddaramaiah doesn’t mince words. He openly bats for them and attacks the BJP for its bias against the religion.

With 12 percent Muslim votes and 7 percent of his Kuruba caste votes, Siddaramaiah controls the largest voter bloc in the state. That’s why the BJP attacks him and ridicules his “love” for the Muslims at the “cost” of Hindus. His decision to celebrate the birthday of controversial 18th century Mysore ruler Tipu Sultan and several public initiatives to help the community have come under continuous attack by the BJP.

A Community Adrift
Hindu-Muslim fissures have reached a new level after Basavaraj Bommai replaced the moderate BS Yediyurappa as CM two years ago. There have been attempts by radical outfits like PFI, SDPI and AIMIM to divide Muslim votes in Karnataka, without much success though. The Congress describes them as BJP’s B-team and the BJP dubs them as offshoots of Congress.

According to a leaked Karnataka socio-economic survey of 2016-17, the Muslim share of population is 16 percent, second only to SCs who are 19.5 percent. Citing this report, Muslims demand adequate representation proportionate to their numbers.

Since Muslims are spread across the State, and heavily concentrated only in a few Assembly seats, Congress is not in a mood to pay heed and risk yet another polarisation, benefitting the BJP.

With large numbers and negligible representation, Muslims remain a community adrift in a sea of different castes in Karnataka.