Congress’ wooing Prashant Kishor appears to be a sign of desperation

Poll strategist Prashant Kishor (File image)

It is unusual for a strategist of any kind, be it political, military or business, to publicise their engagement with a prospective client. But Prashant Kishor is an unconventional professional.

Kishor’s series of meetings with the Congress “High Command”, read Gandhi family, has been reported widely in the media. One suspects it was done with the consent of both sides. As per sources, Kishor has been “asked to join the party” and work as a “leader” rather than a “consultant”. This does raise a question about the definition of ‘leadership’ in the Congress. Let us keep that for later.

A second marriage, said a wisecrack, is the triumph of hope over experience. Congress’ wooing Prashant Kishor appears to be a sign of desperation. While having an electoral consultant may not be in itself unusual, importing a professional CEO is odd even for a family-ruled political party. For one, it is an admission of failure of leadership. Even after a crushing defeat the rank and file expect the supreme leader to salvage them from the ashes. Abdication of authority to an outsider does not inspire confidence among the foot soldiers. However, this is not the only score on which the decision to induct Prashant Kishor as an office bearer defies traditional thinking.

Since its humiliating defeat in 2014 the Congress has been trying to get its act together. Barring small flashes of success in a few State Assembly elections its attempts at revival have been lacklustre and uninspiring. There is little to show that the party undertook any serious introspection into either the reasons of its failure or the odd instances of success. Part of the reason was to shield the top brass, who have preferred to live in denial with the help of loyal family retainers, from blame. The classic transactional analysis problem of “I am Ok, you are not Ok”.

Hence, BJP’s success was attributed to big money, a subservient “Godi” media and, above all religious polarisations. It was assumed that Modi’s charisma had limited shelf-life that can be further diminished by pointed attacks, puncturing his image abroad and repositioning the image of Rahul Gandhi as Prime Minister in waiting.

Thus, all efforts at resuscitating the organisation in terminal decline were focussed on tackling the symptoms rather than the underlying ailment. The approach was to apply band-aid when all prognosis indicated the need for a major surgery. The reluctance of the matriarch of the dynasty against any radical course of treatment can be attributed to her insecurity of losing the family’s control on the affairs of the party.

It is precisely the reasons discussed above that raise doubts about the wisdom of importing talent and handing the mantle of leadership to the new whiz kid on the block. It yet again shows the proclivity to deal with a problem on the surface rather than at the roots. From whatever that has been shared in the public domain, it seems Prashant Kishor’s formula rests on the twin pillars of arithmetic and chemistry. While the first is aimed at consolidating the anti-BJP vote, the second addresses the issue of understanding between the opposition parties wherever they can act as force multipliers. Some may see this as the role of an honest broker rather than a strategist but let us leave it at that.

Of course, Kishor talks of communication and revamping the organisation. There are two parts to the former – namely, the message and the medium. Arguably, Kishor has proven credentials in designing vehicles and platforms for dissemination going back to the time he had allegedly organised “Chai Pe Charcha” for Narendra Modi, later adding digital tools to the mix. The creation of content is a bigger challenge. What is the USP (Unique Selling Proposition) with which Congress and the opposition will go to the people – other than ousting Modi?

On the organisational front it might be easy to put a new structure in place and even hold elections. Would that be sufficient for mobilising the grassroots and attracting sponsors? Going by the history of the party that revels in the game of musical chairs people may be sceptical about the longevity of those elected or placed in high offices. Besides, how empowered would these office bearers feel under a “hired” Chief Executive, whose own track record of tenure working in any organisation is not quite exemplary. And it is likely that his own appointment may come with terms and conditions attached, which the promoters may exercise at will as seen in the case of his engagement with other parties.

Finally, it would be naïve to assume Modi wins elections by his speeches. Under Modi and Shah, BJP has created a formidable election machinery that works 24/7 and delivers consistently. The same results cannot be achieved with part time players and rent-an-election consultants. This is a fundamental truth that the Congress is, perhaps, missing. It may not be a coincidence that most of the ‘elders’ confabulating with the Gandhis and Kishor cannot win an election on their own. In fact, it would be interesting to see if Kishor himself can win a Lok Sabha election without the support of a strong regional party. That would be the touchstone of his arriving as a “leader” from being a rootless wonder.