How Asim Munir's god-like elevation in Pakistan surpasses even Zia-ul-Haq's highly controversial 8th amendment

Pakistan's Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif (R) and President Asif Ali Zardari (C) jointly conferring the Baton of Field Marshal on Chief of Army Staff Asim Munir (AFP)

When Asim Munir took over as Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff in 2022, India watched closely. A madrassa-educated officer shaped by a deeply religious upbringing, Munir immediately stood apart from his predecessor, General Qamar Javed Bajwa, who was known for a moderate and tempered stance. Yet, it wasn’t until a few months ago that Munir’s true ideological colours came to the fore.

On April 16, the Pakistan army chief made a provocative speech about the fundamental difference between Hindus and Muslims, which was later seen as a direct trigger for the deadly Pahalgam attack of April 22. The military hostilities that followed between the countries gave Munir the perfect launchpad to emerge as a fabled war hero of the country, especially in an age where media narratives can be shaped to manufacture whatever truth you want to sell. And in this, Munir was highly successful.

Even before Pakistan had finished re-building its damaged airbases from Operation Sindoor, it wasted no time in swifly elevating Munir to the rank of Field Marshal - the highest military honour that was only handed out once before.

Shortly thereafter, Munir was seen acting more like a presidential head of state than an army chief saddled with pressing security concerns. He was seen meeting US President Donald Trump in US, leading tours to strategically important countries and flanking Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif at almost every high-profile summit. Munir's grandstanding had reached a point where it triggered speculation that he may just depose President Asif Ali Zardari and assume the office himself.

But clearly, something grander (or as critics say more sinister) was in the works.

The Shehbaz Sharif government has now tabled a constitutional amendment that will make Munir the most powerful military chief in the history of Pakistan. In a country where military chiefs already hold more sway than the sitting head of government, this is a noteworthy development.

Under the 27th amendment, Munir is poised to assume a new and vastly powerful role as Chief of Defence Forces (CDF). As per the draft legislation now before the Senate, the CDF post will be held by the sitting Army Chief, who will also serve as the constitutionally recognised head of the Army, Navy and Air Force.

This structural overhaul effectively centralises Pakistan’s armed forces under one command — an unprecedented concentration of power in the hands of a single military figure: Asim Munir.

More importantly, the proposed changes also grant sweeping privileges to Munir, including lifetime immunity from prosecution.

The immunity will also extend to other officers promoted to five-star ranks, Marshal of the Air Force, or Admiral of the Fleet, as well as the President, shielding them from prosecution or arrest.

As a senior leader of the opposition Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) pointed out, the amendment is an attempt by Munir to erect a protective wall around himself.

“After the 27th Amendment, the Field Marshal will receive lifetime privileges, and no case can ever be filed against him for his entire life. Asim Munir is so terrified of his own misdeeds that he is erecting a protective wall around himself. He fears that for what he has done to the country, he will have to stand in the dock, so he is securing lifetime immunity for himself," the leader said.

The amendment also targets Pakistan’s judiciary. According to Geo News, it proposes creating a Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) — a powerful new body to interpret the Constitution, resolve government disputes and handle Article 199 cases. The FCC would curb the Supreme Court’s jurisdiction, feature equal provincial representation and have its judges appointed through greater executive and parliamentary involvement, led by a Chief Justice with a three-year term.

Political observers also argue that this clause goes far beyond any previous military-era legislation. Analysts say the 27th Amendment institutionalises military dominance to a degree unseen even under Zia-ul-Haq, whose 8th Amendment consolidated presidential power but stopped short of restructuring the command and judicial systems in such an explicit way.

“After the 27th Amendment, the resolution of Pakistan’s political disputes will be beyond the reach of the courts,” warned political analyst Habib Akram, adding that it would “increase bitterness and have a direct impact on the economy.” Comparing it to Zia’s 8th Amendment, Akram noted: “It eventually backfired on its architects.”

The 8th Amendment, passed in 1985 under General Zia-ul-Haq’s regime, had legitimised martial law and introduced Article 58(2)(b), allowing the President to dissolve elected governments. While that amendment tilted Pakistan’s system toward presidential rule, it did not formally alter military command structures or judicial independence.

By contrast, the 27th Amendment is being seen as a comprehensive restructuring of Pakistan’s constitutional order — extending military influence not just over defence, but into the judiciary and federal framework itself.

Opposition voices have likened the move to the final collapse of civilian oversight. Abuzar Salman Niazi, another PTI leader, said: “In the Court of the Powerful: The Constitution of Pakistan and its Judiciary are found guilty of independence and loyalty to law. Sentenced to death under the 26th and 27th Amendments. Justice served, Hybrid Regime style.”