Syria’s new government is confronting a critical and volatile question: what to do with the thousands of foreign fighters who helped topple the Assad regime but are now viewed with suspicion and fear by much of the population.
According to The Wall Street Journal, as many as 10,000 fighters from Central Asia, the Middle East, and Europe played key roles in the rebel victory. But their continued presence and hardline Islamic ideologies are now complicating efforts by Syria’s new rulers—led by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) chief and newly installed President Ahmed al-Sharaa—to form an inclusive and internationally acceptable government.
From battlefield allies to political liabilities
Many of these foreign fighters have integrated into daily life, marrying locals, opening businesses, and raising families. Yet their ties to Islamist groups, such as Katibat al-Ghuraba and the Turkistan Islamic Party, have alarmed Syrians seeking to rebuild a multi-ethnic, multi-religious society. Some are even suspected of taking part in recent ethnic killings in the coastal Alawite regions, long considered loyal to the ousted Assad regime.
Ziad Wannous, a Damascus-based pro-democracy activist, told the Wall Street Journal that deporting all the fighters is unrealistic due to political and legal hurdles. “But if some are to be granted citizenship, it should be through a proper process—not as a reward for fighting,” he said.
Foreign fighters demand inclusion, even citizenship
Some fighters, like 20-year-old Uzbek Mohammed Zufar, say they have no intention of leaving. Zufar, who came through Turkey to join an Uzbek Islamist unit, said he hopes to serve in Syria’s new army under Islamic law and avoid returning to Uzbekistan, where he fears persecution. “I came here for jihad and will stay even as a martyr,” he said.
Other fighters voiced similar sentiments. Lebanese fighter Abu Mareyah, who previously fought Hezbollah, said he and others “deserve recognition” and hope for Syrian citizenship after abandoning their lives abroad.
Yet their future remains murky. The US has made it clear that continued tolerance of foreign Islamist fighters will hinder Syria’s path to international legitimacy. “The interim authorities need to make sure that foreign terrorist fighters have no role in Syria’s government or military,” said US diplomat Tim Lenderking.
Ethnic killings and growing domestic backlash
Tensions intensified after deadly ambushes in March triggered a wave of reprisal killings in Alawite-dominated regions. Locals blamed some of the violence on foreign fighters aligned with the new government. A committee set up by Damascus to investigate the incidents is now examining over 50 cases.
Meanwhile, concerns about foreign fighters gaining undue influence in the military have deepened. Many of these combatants are well-trained, experienced in propaganda, and have global financing networks. “Their experience comes at too high a price,” said Broderick McDonald, a fellow at King’s College London’s Centre for the Study of Radicalisation.
A test of leadership for President Sharaa
President Sharaa, once affiliated with Islamic State and later al-Qaeda, has tried to rebrand himself and his government as secular and inclusive. While he has promised a representative government, he has also hinted that loyal foreign fighters may be rewarded with senior military roles and potential citizenship.
That balancing act could prove politically perilous. While some Syrians credit foreign fighters with helping liberate the country, others fear their ideologies threaten the fragile peace. “Some of them speak better Arabic than us now,” said rebel fighter Khalid Qaranful, “but that doesn’t mean they should run the country.”
International pressure mounts
The international community—especially the US and European governments—will be watching closely. Justifying the presence of ideologically rigid foreign fighters while seeking diplomatic recognition and aid may prove impossible for Syria’s new leadership.
For now, Sharaa has extended the investigation into the killings and remains publicly committed to a broad-based national future. But as The Wall Street Journal notes, managing the legacy of a revolution fought by foreigners may be the most difficult battle yet
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