China Watch | People in China respect India for maintaining an independent foreign policy: Chinese scholar Wang Zhen

Wang Zhen, is an Professor of International Studies at the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences (SASS), and is currently the Director of the Security Studies Program at the SASS Institute of China Studies (Illustration: Suneesh K/Moneycontrol)

Note to readers: China’s ruling Communist party (CCP) holds an important meeting every five years that has analysts and diplomats parsing for clues into the country’s future. The 20th party congress is due to be held in Beijing this month. Here is the sixth of a series of interviews with Chinese experts and watchers in the run-up to the conference. You can read all the interviews here

Xi Jinping’s record third-term as general secretary is almost inevitable in this weekend’s 20th Congress of the CCP. But experts feel his policies will be more ideology-driven than that of his predecessors. Will the ongoing rivalry between the United States and China intensify further or will both sides look for a more cooperative partnership?

Wang Zhen, a Professor of International Studies at the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences (SASS), is currently the Director of the Security Studies Program at the SASS Institute of China Studies. He received his Ph.D. in International Politics from Shanghai International Studies University (SISU). He was an exchange scholar at Tel Aviv University, Israel and a visiting fellow at the Woodrow Wilson Center for International Studies, US. His main focus is on international security and China’s foreign policy studies. Wang has published numerous papers in leading Chinese and international journals. He is also the author of the book, A New Theory on the Global War on Terrorism.

He spoke to Pranay Sharma on the forthcoming CCP Congress, the impact of the Ukraine war, and how China’s relations with the US and India are likely to pan out in future. Edited excerpts of the interview:

What does the third term for Xi Jinping as CCP general secretary mean for China?

Whether Xi Jinping will continue to serve as the General Secretary of the CCP will be decided by delegates at the 20th National Congress of the CCP. But I believe China’s domestic and foreign policies will remain stable and predictable after the congress. There will not be much change.

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How are these policies formed?

China adopts a “consultative democracy”, where national policies or the party’s national congress reports are formulated after several rounds of consultations and discussions to ensure the widest possible support and maximum social consensus. Economic development and the improvement of people’s livelihoods will remain top priorities for China’s leaders. Therefore, in domestic policy, China will continue to deepen social and economic reforms, fight against corruption and improve people’s living standards. While in foreign policy, China will continue to open up and engage with other countries for “win-win cooperation” and to create a peaceful external environment that is conducive for economic development.

Can the US seriously contain China’s rise or is this part of Beijing’s rhetoric?

Some US practices have gone beyond normal national competition, like extensive suppression of Chinese companies and imposition of high tariffs on imports of Chinese products. These measures are not only detrimental to mutual trust and cooperation but also a violation of the US’ commitment to free trade and a market economy in the World Trade Organisation (WTO). They are also against the trend of world economic integration and globalisation. US President Joe Biden told Chinese leaders on several occasions that the US does not seek a "New Cold War" with China. In China, we have a famous saying, “It is important to heed one’s words but it’s more important to heed one’s actions.” As we pay attention to the US leaders’ statements, we would pay more attention to the US policy initiatives.

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Will the reunification of Taiwan with mainland China, a priority in Xi Jinping’s agenda, be done peacefully or by force?

We cannot make predictions about the future but the Chinese government’s position on Taiwan has been consistent: Taiwan is part of China. According to UN Resolution 2758, the Beijing government is the sole legitimate representative of China in the United Nations. All countries that have diplomatic relations with Beijing are aware of this and have accepted it. Beijing’s idea of “One Country, Two Systems” is an attempt to solve the Taiwan issue peacefully. The Chinese mainland is seeking a peaceful reunification with Taiwan with utmost sincerity. But it will not give up the option to use force in order to effectively deter the separatists.

China talks of replacing the current US-dominated global system with a more just world order. But it is involved in territorial disputes with several neighbours who accuse Beijing of unilaterally altering the boundaries?

The Chinese government has never stated that it wants to “replace” the US-dominated global system. It has clearly stated in a published document that China will “uphold the international system with the UN at its core and an order based on international law and international relations based on the purposes and principles of the UN Charter.” China is not a revisionist country and it will continue to support the established international system.

The territorial disputes will have to be resolved through mutual consultation and negotiation. In the 1980s, Deng Xiaoping had proposed to “set aside disputes and jointly develop.” But a few countries responded to it and now they are accusing China of exercising sovereignty over these territories. This is neither fair nor factual.

How can China’s commitment to fighting global terrorism be taken seriously when it continues to block international sanctions against Pakistan-based terrorists of Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed?

China’s attitude toward international counter-terrorism cooperation is very positive and evident to all. In recent years, China and India have held several joint counter-terrorism exercises and counter-terrorism security dialogues with meaningful results. Regarding these two organisations, India may need to provide more evidence to convince the international community that the allegations are valid. Hopefully, India and Pakistan will be able to resolve their outstanding differences, including those related to the issue of terrorism, in the spirit of trust and confidence. This will also benefit the region and this is what China would like to see.

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How has the Ukraine war affected China and what lessons has it learnt from the conflict?

I do not see how the war in Ukraine will affect China differently from how it affects India. China is not a party in this military conflict but has to pay for this sudden war because of the rise in oil and food prices. China’s direct investment and economic and trade interests in Ukraine and Russia have suffered heavy losses. The conflict has put investment and cooperation in uncertainty and undermined the external strategic environment on which China’s economic development depended in recent years. If the war in Ukraine has taught us anything, it is the reminder that peace is so fragile it needs to be nurtured with care.

What does it mean for China to have a weakened Russia at its border?

Russia is an important neighbour of China to the north. China has many neighbours. Whether they are large or small, we can find ways to get along as we have lived together for thousands of years. In China, we have a famous saying, “You can choose your friends, but you cannot choose your neighbours. Hence, “A relative afar is less important than a close neighbour.” Whether Russia is strong or not, Russia and China will always be neighbours and we can always find a way to live together. So I do not think this has any special significance for China.

Do the growing Indo-US relations give China a reason to worry?

I do not think China would be concerned about the development of US-India relations unless they were deliberately targeted at China and were detrimental to its interests. China and India are two independent sovereign states. I believe Indian leaders are wise enough to formulate a reasonable foreign policy. In Chinese strategic circles, people respect India as a great power mainly because India has maintained an independent foreign policy after World War II and refused to become a henchman or tool of certain great powers. India is one of the great powers in the world, thanks to its participation in leading the global Non-Aligned Movement.

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Can the 21st century be Asia’s unless China and India fully cooperate with each other?

China and India not only share a common history of bitter colonisation experiences but also face common practical challenges such as economic development, poverty reduction, infrastructure upgradation and protection of the environment. They are also the two most populous developing countries in the world and the development of these two billion-person eastern powers is enough to change the geopolitical landscape of Asia and the world.

In addition, both China and India pursue an independent foreign policy. They had jointly put forward the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, which are still very popular with the international community. The Himalayas are big enough to accommodate India and China. They have lived amicably on the two sides of the Himalayas for thousands of years. What reason do they have to fall into a false security dilemma? As two countries who share the deep tradition of Eastern civilisation, China and India should use the wisdom of Eastern civilisation to create a new mode of interaction between major powers in international political culture.