In the 1992 blockbuster Annamalai, the titular character played by Rajinikanth thunders, “Na solradhayum seiven, solladhadhayum seiven.” (“I will do what I say, and also what I don’t say.”) This famous Rajinikanth punchline is an apt description of the three-decade long constant speculation stoked about the superstar’s political debut through a series of his statements and flip flops.
The last of such statements came in April this year when Rajinikanth citing health issues reiterated his 2021 decision of not joining politics or launching a political party. But given the actor’s track record and his actions in recent times – consider for instance his meeting with and lavish praise for TN Governor RN Ravi who has been locked in an acrimonious spat with the ruling DMK, speculations surrounding Rajinikanth’s grand political entry have refused to die down.
Not surprisingly, his recent gesture of touching UP CM Yogi Adityanath’s feet – after the release of his blockbuster film Jailer – has given fresh life to speculations about his political plunge and also elicited strong reactions in a state whose dominant political culture and sentiment is starkly different from Yogi or the BJP’s brand of Hindutva politics.
Rajini’s ‘Spiritual Politics’
While Rajinikanth clarifies his gesture by stating that it was his long-held practice of respecting a yogi or a sanyasi by falling at their feet even if they were younger, those sympathetic to Rajinikanth’s gesture have cited his spiritual side as an explanation. In a state with a strong atheist-rationalist tradition, Rajinikanth has rarely shied away from a public display of his spirituality – on reel and real.
In fact, Rajinikanth has repeatedly emphasised himself as a votary of “spiritual politics”. In Tamil Nadu’s political landscape that has been dominated by Dravidian politics and parties and marked by relative separation of religion from politics, Rajinikanth’s advocacy of “spiritual politics” have understandably raised eyebrows over the years.
On his part, Rajinikanth has constantly maintained that his “spiritual politics” is secular, honest and not discriminatory towards any other religion. While Rajinikanth’s definition of his “spiritual politics" might seem contradictory and confusing, he is actually taking cues from the Makkal Thilagam MG Ramachandran.
MGR who parted ways from the DMK to form the AIADMK in 1972 gave a spiritual slant to Dravidian politics to retain the former Congress voters who had migrated from the Congress to AIADMK after the death of Kamaraj and were not very enthused by the staunchly rationalist-atheist DMK.
MGR openly visited places of worship, gave huge grants for temples and whittled down the atheist-rationalist rhetoric – trends continued by his successor Jayalalithaa. Rajinikanth’s personal beliefs, his inclination for spirituality and his charisma crafted through his cinematic appeal are all sound reasons for Rajinikanth modelling his “spiritual politics’’ on MGR and Jayalalithaa.
It’s Now Or Never
In the movie Muthu (1995), Rajinikanth’s character reassuringly says, “Naan eppa varuven, eppadi varuvennu yarukkum theriyadhu, aana varavendiya neratthil correcta varuven.” (“Nobody knows when and how I will come, but I will definitely come at the right time.”)
If at all there ever was a correcta neram (right time) for him to enter politics with his “spiritual politics”, it is now. The leadership crisis in the AIADMK and its string of poll debacles clearly suggest that the party runs the risk of losing its voter base in the event of the emergence of a credible alternative.
With DMK firmly in-charge of its voter base and the Congress-BJP continuing to remain marginal players, the only space that is up for grabs in Tamil Nadu’s overcrowded political scene is the AIADMK’s. Rajinikanth’s mass appeal and his “spiritual politics” make him the worthy claimant of the AIADMK’s space.
While the time is right, the problem lies in the superstar’s flawed approach, positioning and misreading of the situation. The space that is up for grabs is to the right of the ruling DMK and not the space to the right of the AIADMK.
The AIADMK Space
But Rajinikanth’s actions and stances on various issues suggests that he is eyeing for a space that lies to even the right of the AIADMK. But at present there is no such space which can be captured: the BJP would know best after having tried to tread on the extreme right path.
So, when Rajinikanth calls Jallikattu or Sterilite protesters as anti-social elements, hails the scrapping of Article 370 and compares Modi-Shah to Arjun-Krishna while praising them, he is committing political harakiri by tagretting a space located so right on the political spectrum that it has no takers in today’s Tamil Nadu.
The only space available for Rajinikanth is the AIADMK’s but by constantly being seen playing footsie with BJP leaders from Modi to Yogi, he is only weakening his claim for that space. One of the leading reasons behind the rapidly declining support for the AIADMK has been the perception that the party is being remote controlled by the BJP.
Moreover, Tamil Nadu has always been a political outlier. While Modi’s approval ratings touch stratospheric levels in most parts of the country, they are low in Tamil Nadu.
Misunderstood nationally for being chauvinistic, what is often forgotten is that Tamil Nadu is a state whose biggest icons are a Malayali born in Ceylon (Makkal Thilagam MGR) , a Uttarakhandi born in Jharkhand (Thala MS Dhoni) , a Maharashtrian born in Bangalore (Thalaivar Rajini) and a Melukote Iyengar born in Karnataka (Puratchi Thalaivi Jayalalithaa).
It is Suyamariyathai (self-respect) and not regional chauvinism that defines Tamil Nadu. Consequently, it is within the ambit of this Suyamariyathai
where a space has opened for Rajini but which he seems incapable of seizing.
Omkar Poojari is currently pursuing a Research Master's degree in Politics at Sciences Po, Paris. His research interests and publications primarily revolve around contemporary Indian politics, elections and voting behaviour. (Twitter: @Omkarismunlimit). Views are personal, and do not represent the stand of this publication.
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