In the politics of Andhra Pradesh, the ruling YSRCP and the opposition NDA (TDP-JSP and BJP) claim to support backward classes; however, their actions suggest otherwise.
Most assembly tickets are given to the Kamma and Reddy communities, indicating that caste plays a significant role in the state's political landscape. The TDP, often associated with the Kamma community, and the YSRCP, perceived as a Reddy stronghold, have been engaged in a power play fueled by caste affiliations for a long time. Although these two castes constitute less than 13% of the state's population (Kammas are 5%, and Reddys are 8%), they exercise considerable control over Andhra's political affairs, eclipsing the aspirations of other caste groups. The Backward Classes (BCs), who comprise around 35% of the population, find themselves overshadowed by the dominance of the Kamma and Reddy communities.
The upcoming elections in Andhra Pradesh have revealed a trend of caste-based politics, with candidates from the Reddy, Kamma, and Kapu communities emerging as the frontrunners for unreserved seats. These dominant castes, including the Kammas and Reddys, hold significant power in the state's political arena. The ruling YSRCP and the NDA have allocated more than 80 seats to candidates from these communities, further strengthening their hold on power.
As the Assembly elections draw closer, frontrunners from the Reddy, Kamma, and Kapu communities have emerged for unreserved seats. This is a clear indication of the caste-based politics prevalent in Andhra. The ruling YSRCP and the NDA have allocated over 80 seats to candidates from these dominant caste groups, further consolidating their hold on Andhra Pradesh's political arena.
The YSRCP and its NDA partners have released their list of candidates for the upcoming elections. The Reddy community has the highest number of aspirants, with 78 candidates. Of these, 49 are fielded by the YSRCP, while the remaining 29 will contest under the NDA banner. The Kapu community comes in second, with 41 candidates vying for assembly seats. Of these, 23 have been chosen by the YSRCP, while the NDA has selected 18 candidates.
Although the ruling YSRCP has promised to field BC (Backward Classes) candidates from 41 constituencies, the allocation of assembly tickets highlights the continuing impact of caste associations in Andhra politics. The NDA has prioritised candidates from the Kamma and Reddy communities, while BC leaders have been marginalised in the electoral process. Meanwhile, traditionally aligned with the TDP-BJP-JSP alliance, the Kamma community has put forth 43 candidates for the election, with the coalition fielding 34 contenders. In contrast, the YSRCP has nominated only nine Kamma candidates, indicating a strategic change in candidate selection.
The political landscape is marked by a rivalry between two prominent families: the YSR and NTR families. The ruling Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP) leads the charge under the leadership of YS Jagan Mohan Reddy, banking on his father's legacy, YS Rajasekhara Reddy. Conversely, the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), helmed by Nara Chandrababu Naidu, derives its strength from the lineage of NT Rama Rao. Both chiefs from the Rayalaseema region represent the dominant Reddy and Kamma power blocs, respectively. Despite their relatively small population share, the Kammas and Reddys hold sway over unreserved legislative seats, overshadowing numerically larger groups. This imbalance in representation is glaring when compared to the numerically larger Kapu community and the broader OBCs, who have long advocated for more excellent political representation and reservation in seats.
A scrutiny of candidate lists spanning multiple election cycles, including 2014, 2019, and 2024, reveals a glaring absence of Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) candidates in the unreserved category, despite claims of upliftment and opportunities by both the YSRCP and TDP. Historically, the chief minister's position in Andhra Pradesh has been dominated by the Reddys and Kammas, with the former holding the position 14 times since 1956 and the latter seven times. However, individuals from diverse caste backgrounds, including Dalits, Brahmins, Vaishyas, and Velamas, have also held the position, albeit infrequently. Regarding party nominations, the OBCs, comprising around 49-50 per cent of the population, have received scant representation, with an average of only 36 nominations from TDP and 38 from YSRCP across three election cycles. In contrast, the Reddys, constituting approximately eight per cent of the population, have secured a significantly higher nomination, averaging 26 from TDP and 51 from YSRCP.
Similarly, the Kammas, with a population share of only around five per cent, have received numerous nominations, averaging 35 from TDP and 11 from YSRCP. The Kapus, while constituting a significant portion of the population, have also received a relatively minor share of nominations compared to the Reddys and Kammas. As Andhra Pradesh grapples with caste-based disparities in political representation, the upcoming elections serve as a litmus test for the state's commitment to inclusive governance and equitable political participation.
In the upcoming Andhra Pradesh elections, the Kapu community's voting bloc has emerged as a crucial factor, drawing attention from political parties aiming to secure their support. The Telugu Desam Party (TDP), to regain the trust of Other Backward Classes (OBCs), is actively seeking to attract Kapu votes by allying with the Jana Sena Party (JSP). Kapus comprise land-owning cultivators and represent dominant castes in Andhra Pradesh, including groups like Balijas, Telagas, and Ontaris, making up 15.2% of the state's total population. Their influence is particularly significant in East and West Godavari districts recognised as Kapu strongholds.
Traditionally, the Kapus have maintained a rivalry with the Kammas, constituting 4.8% of the population, often leading them to support the Congress party in past elections. However, in recent years, Kapus has attempted to assert political influence. In 2008, actor Chiranjeevi established the Praja Rajyam Party, which garnered 17.5% of the vote share but ultimately merged with the Congress in 2011. Subsequently, Chiranjeevi's brother, Pawan Kalyan, founded the Jana Sena Party in 2014. However, it failed to impact the 2019 elections significantly, winning only one MLA seat with a 5.54% vote share.
The Kapus largely favoured the Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP) led by YS Jagan Mohan Reddy, contributing to its success in East and West Godavari districts.
Political analysts attribute the YSRCP's favourable reception among Kapus to Kalyan's perceived lack of consistency and seriousness as a contender. Despite this, Kalyan believes that he alone may not have the capacity to challenge the incumbent Jagan Mohan Reddy government. Thus, he has aligned with the TDP, negotiating for a significant share of Kapu votes. While some Kapus may harbour reservations about the JSP-TDP alliance, they recognise its strategic importance in preventing a victory for Jagan Mohan Reddy's government, which could further delay the realisation of Kapu's political aspirations. "In light of these circumstances, the Kapus find themselves compelled to support the alliance, understanding that allowing Jagan to remain in power would hinder their political progress," remarked political analyst Karanam Rajesh.
BSP REACTION
The Bahujans, encompassing marginalised sections such as Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and Other Backward Classes (OBCs), constitute a majority in Andhra Pradesh. However, according to J. Purnachandra Rao, the State Coordinator of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), their political representation continues to be overshadowed by the dominance of two particular castes.
Rao, a former Director General of Police of Telangana State who joined the BSP after retirement, was appointed the State Coordinator by party president Mayawati. During a meeting with party workers at the Visakhapatnam Public Library, Rao expressed concerns over the state of politics in Andhra Pradesh.
He criticised the current political landscape, where power is concentrated between two castes despite their comparatively lower population. Rao alleged that these castes have redefined democracy as "democracy for the caste, by the caste, and of the caste." He pointed out that even in regions like North Andhra districts of Visakhapatnam, Vizianagaram, and Srikakulam, where Bahujans have a significant population, their representation in the Legislative Assembly needs to be improved, limited only to
Rao further lamented that the position of Chief Minister seems to be reserved exclusively for individuals from these dominant castes, neglecting the aspirations of other communities. He criticised the leaders' manipulation of forward castes by these dominant castes, accusing them of prioritising their interests over the welfare of the broader populace.
The BSP State Coordinator highlighted the excessive spending by leaders of these dominant castes during elections, alleging corruption and divisive tactics to secure votes. He emphasised that the BSP operates without external funding agencies, distinguishing it from many other political parties.
Responding to queries, Rao reiterated the BSP's commitment to securing political power for Bahujans. He stated that decisions regarding his electoral contest would be made by party leadership, underscoring the party's dedication to its mission. BSP leader Lake Raja Rao was also present during the media conference.
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