The elimination of Habib Tahir, alias Chotoo – a Lashkar-e-Taiba infiltrator – by Indian security forces during Operation Mahadev in Harwan, Srinagar, was initially reported as another surgical success in the counterterrorism playbook. But what followed across the Line of Control in Kuiyaan village, Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK), where the 23-year-old hailed from, has turned into a more telling development than any military strike: civilian resistance.
When Chotoo’s body returned to Kuiyaan, his family did the unthinkable: they refused to let Lashkar-e-Taiba or the affiliated JKUM hijack the funeral procession. When local LeT commander Rizwan Hanif showed up armed and accompanied by gunmen to assert control, a scuffle erupted. His entourage faced a hostile crowd. A family member allegedly pulled a weapon. But it was the villagers who pushed back. The commander was forced to flee.
This rare act of defiance wasn’t just emotional; it was symbolic. In a place where terror groups have long ruled with impunity and fear, such public confrontation marks a significant shift. PoK, historically silenced by intimidation, had suddenly found a voice.
Grassroots resistance gathers pace
The fallout didn’t end with the funeral. People across nearby villages, including Khayala, are now discussing holding a Jigra, a traditional community forum aimed at rejecting terror recruitment and holding militants accountable for years of bloodshed.
What’s striking is the organic nature of this opposition. It isn’t state-backed or politically led, it’s rooted in grief and decades of fatigue. Families who’ve seen sons leave and never return are now openly questioning why their children are being sacrificed for someone else’s cause.
The teacher who spoke for all
A turning point came through a viral video message. Liyaqat Ali, a local schoolteacher also known as Sardar Bilal, posted a heartfelt video, saying he had once taught Chotoo.
“Who are these people sending our children to Kashmir? They brainwash our children and throw them against a military superpower like India," Ali said in the eight-minute clip.
Naming terror groups directly, he added: “You have been declared a terror group. Don’t abuse me. The jihad you are running — don’t let others’ children die. Your kids study in the US and UK. If you want jihad, go do it against the rich."
His words resonated widely, rapidly circulating through private messaging apps and encrypted channels across PoK, not as a call for uprising, but as a collective sigh of frustration and truth.
Administrative responses and small shifts
These acts of defiance are not just being noticed by local communities. They’re registering within PoK’s bureaucratic structure too, which has long mirrored Pakistan’s military agenda.
In one notable case, CNN-News18 reported that the administration in District Bagh denied permission for a community conference in Khurahat, citing “public safety" and “prevailing circumstances." This event, reportedly featuring speakers sympathetic to radical groups, might have gone ahead without resistance in previous years.
This time, however, the local government drew a line. It may not signal sweeping reform, but it reflects an awareness of changing public sentiment, and likely some international pressure to clamp down on visible terror promotion.
India reads the moment, and responds
For the Indian government, this evolving situation is seen not as a blip, but as validation of a larger strategy. Union Home Minister Amit Shah recently stated in Parliament: “PoK was given away by the Congress. Only the BJP will bring it back."
He highlighted Operation Mahadev and Operation Sindoor as part of a broader effort to cripple Pakistan’s terror ecosystem and force a rethink among civilians across the LoC. Shah suggested that this resistance isn’t accidental, it’s the consequence of India’s military assertiveness and Pakistan’s increasing global isolation.
Defence Minister Rajnath Singh echoed this sentiment with sharper words: “The day is not far when the people of PoK themselves will want to rejoin India."
Calling Pakistan the “father of global terrorism," Singh denounced the UN’s decision to place Pakistan on a counter-terror committee and asserted that ground reality was shifting in India’s favour.
Prime Minister Modi had earlier laid down India’s new diplomatic redline: “If we ever talk to Pakistan, it will be on terror and PoK. Nothing else."
The fight isn’t over, it’s evolving
Yet, signs of a tactical regrouping by Pakistan’s deep state continue to surface. As per a Deccan Herald report, the ISI is quietly setting up smaller, stealthier training camps across PoK — in areas such as Lipa, Kahuta, Athmuqam, Kotli, and Chamankot. These camps reportedly host 20–30 recruits and are being designed to evade detection through radar camouflage and thermal masking.
In short, Pakistan may be bleeding credibility, but it’s not yet ready to surrender its old playbook.
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