2014 Elections all about Modi and little else

Every regional party says there is no Modi wave in their state.

The RSS is irritated that its own Swayamsevaks find pleasure in chanting “Namo, Namo” and its chief, Mohan Bhagwat, warned cadres that the Sangh is not in politics.

Completely unknown journalists in the foreign media pontificate on Modi as though they know all about him or India (Read one such condescending article here).

Muslims of various persuasions join the chorus to tell us why they hate NaMo, or why he does not matter. Even inside the BJP, there is supposed to be a 160-club, which sees a prospect for itself only if the BJP's tally comes down to 160 Lok Sabha seats.

What does all this mean? Here are a few observations.

First, this election is substantially about Modi and little else. Forget the economy, forget the scams, forget secularism, this election is often about defining where you stand vis-à-vis Modi.

Second, if you want to be noticed and not ignored, you must have something to say – good or bad – about Modi. If you don’t have a point of view on NaMo, you are a nobody.

Third, Modi’s detractors are the biggest contributors to building Brand Modi. When Rahul calls him Hitler, every news channel finds it necessary to take note. Thus, the focus shifts from what Rahul says to who he is talking about. This serves Modi’s purpose more than Rahul’s.

Fourth, the main parties are making a huge mistake by demonising Modi. The heroes of today’s youth are not saintly characters, but achievers, even devilish ones. Evil looks smart to the young – as long as there is some achievement to show for it. Modi’s opponents are doing a nice job for him by painting him as Devil.

Fifth, authoritarianism is not something Indians are too uncomfortable about right now. Incompetence is what worries them most. Almost every successful politician in pre- or post-independence India, past or present – think Mamata, Jaya, Maya, Nitish Kumar, MGR, Indira Gandhi, Nehru, Jinnah – has been a strong, if not authoritarian, personality.

Reason: Indians know they are an indisciplined lot. This is why they prefer strong leaders – for a while at least – to bring in discipline. So calling anyone Hitler or Mussolini is not normally a negative for most Indians – those outside the chattering classes, that is.

Sixth, we have a natural sympathy for the pariah. When you criticise somebody so much, the sting of criticism wanes. Critics of Modi thus have to shout louder to be heard. It does not work any more. Criticising Modi gets you noticed, but it may not get you votes.

Seventh, Modi’s visible conduct has not been authoritarian at all. In all the lobbying for BJP tickets and allies, all the mistakes are being made by his critics in the party and the top leadership. Modi is not seen as trying to do anything beyond campaigning for his party. This kills most criticism of him as baseless or overblown.

Eighth, Modi is said to be about “I, me, myself.” But voters do not necessarily see this as bad – since it represents change from the past.

Indians are tired of their self-effacing selves of the past – especially the young. Modi talking about his achievements does not rankle as much with young voters as it did in the past with older voters. Confidence and brashness is not a minus against anyone in today’s world. On the contrary, voters may be wondering if the diffident ones have any achievements to their credit at all.

Ninth, this election is not about 2002, or morality, or ethics. It is about success. Indians don’t want to be stuck with losers and excuses anymore.

In April-May 2014, India will largely be voting on NaMo – despite some regional variations on the theme. All other issues have paled into insignificance.

 The writer is editor-in-chief, digital and publishing, Network18 Group