China’s DeepSeek and the perils of discarding the Nehruvian paradigm

Mao and Deng's Pursuit of Technology

After the Chinese revolution in 1949, Mao inherited a destitute nation and sought to avoid the mistakes of Qianlong. Aligning with the USSR, Mao aimed for rapid industrialisation. Barely two months after taking power, he met Stalin in Moscow to secure modern factories, send Chinese students to Soviet universities, and request Soviet advisers to manage China’s economic transition. Mao's greatest desire was the nuclear bomb, which the Soviets refused to share.

Deng Xiaoping, who took over in 1978, is regarded as the ‘Architect of Modern China’. His famous phrase "hide your capabilities and bide your time" shaped China's strategy. Over three decades, China lifted 800 million people out of poverty, making this the greatest achievement in economic history.

China's political and economic systems, described as "Socialism with Chinese characteristics," have resulted in a nation that is the world’s largest market for luxury goods, the second-largest number of billionaires, and home to the world's biggest, fastest-expanding middle class.

This success stems from long-term strategic planning. China’s penetration of top scientific institutions worldwide has been substantial. US universities have become increasingly reliant on Chinese investments. Since 2013, China has been the largest source of foreign donations to US universities, contributing over $426 million in donations and contracts. The Thousand Talents Plan recruits Chinese researchers for cutting-edge work in foreign universities.

The Centrality of Microchips

In her book A Year without 'Made in China', American journalist Sara Bongioni found that virtually everything is made in China. However, high-end microchips are an exception. China has had to import powerful chips, spending more on them than on oil—$260 billion in 2017, more than Saudi Arabia’s oil exports or Germany’s car exports.

In October 2022, the Biden administration imposed a ban on microchip exports to China. This ban has been described as a ‘declaration of economic war’, signalling the second Cold War, one driven by technological and military advancements, where semiconductors are central.

AI will be crucial for the next wave of warfare, relying on new chip technology. The war of the future will involve robot armies, unmanned drones, hypersonic missiles, and AI-driven strategic planning. China’s 2017 "New Generation Artificial Intelligence Development Plan" aims to make the country a global leader in AI by 2030—and China is already there.

Ostrich in the Sand

In India, these developments have received little media attention. Mainstream Indian media has largely ignored scientific and technological advancements. Indian policymakers have ignored the need to address China's growing technological dominance. Rather than ramping up science and technology education, India has made a bizarre and regressive decision to remove key scientific concepts from school textbooks, such as the periodic table, the theory of evolution, electromagnetism, and sustainable resource use. This move essentially downgrades science for 38 million Indian schoolchildren—a technological self-harm.

Nehruvian Efforts

There is another socio-cultural phenomena which China has and India doesn’t. The superrich of China invests massively in education, science and technology. “It’s politically correct to invest in science and technology”. states

Donald Dai, Chinese tech executive. The 2024 China Philanthropy List, a report from the Hurun Research Institute found that 70 per cent of the country’s top donors prioritised education.  The investments are by any standards stupendous. Beverage magnate Zhong Shanshan is spending 40 billion yuan to set up Qiantang University, Cao Dewang, the Fuyao Group is spending US$10 billion for Fuyao University of Science and Technology (FYUST). The list is long and the goal is unwavering - absolute domination in science and technology. Nehru understood that in our context Indian government had to fund science and technology.

Jawaharlal Nehru understood the vital role of science in nation-building. His blueprint for modern India had two pillars: First, to create world-class institutions in India. His visit to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1949 led to the establishment of the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs), beginning with Kharagpur (1950), Bombay (1958), Madras (1959), and Kanpur (1959). Nehru also created state-run scientific institutions like the Department of Atomic Energy (1954), the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (1954), the Indian Space Research Organisation (1962), and the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) (1942).

Second, Nehru recruited India’s brightest scientific minds—Vikram Sarabhai, C. V. Raman, Homi J. Bhabha, S. S. Bhatnagar, and others—to lead these institutions.

Relevance of the Nehruvian Science and Technology Paradigm

Nehru faced detractors then, just as he does now. Pseudo-nationalism was often used to undermine his scientific vision. Nehru's response was clear: "Science has no frontiers. Nobody ought to talk about English science or French science. Science is bigger than countries."

Nehru understood that colonial subjugation had resulted from a lack of scientific progress. He knew India could not afford to fall behind in the global science and technology race. Discarding the Nehruvian approach in today’s age of rapid scientific advancement would be disastrous for India, just as the rise of anti-science ideologies in the Arab world led to its eventual colonial domination.

It is crucial that India’s policymakers and intellectuals recognise this truth sooner rather than later. The world’s technological landscape is shifting, and India cannot afford to remain passive.