Bihar became the first state in India to release caste survey data since 1931’s official national caste census. While the goal of the survey, ostensibly, is upliftment of backward castes, Nitish Kumar hopes to emerge as the torchbearer of Mandal 2.0 with the demand of a nationwide caste census.
Rahul Gandhi, too, is raising the pitch “jitni abadi, utna haq” in a bid to woo the OBC vote bloc ahead of general elections 2024.
Numerically BJP got as much vote-share from the OBC community alone which Congress got in total in 2019 Lok Sabha elections (around 20 percent). This sets the tone and importance of OBC politics.
The Bihar census shows that BC, EBC, SC and ST account for 84 percent and the general category (upper/forward caste) balance 16 percent. Currently 27 percent of central government jobs and admissions in institutions are reserved for OBCs, 22.5 percent for SC-ST and 10 percent for EWS. Both Nitish and Rahul have demanded the removal of 50 percent cap on OBC/SC/ST reservation.
Opposition’s Double Standards
The “jiski jitni samkhya bhaari, uski utni hissedaari” is laced with many contradictions and challenges. Reservation is not reservation if everybody gets it; the sheen gets lost.
The slogan also implies an inherent demand for reservation for minorities. Religion based reservation is not allowed in the Constitution. This could help the BJP make it a Hindu versus Muslim election and lead to severe polarisation in general elections next year.
The slogans also imply an inherent demand for increase in reservation for the general category in line with their “sankhya” from 10 percent to 16 percent in case of Bihar. The INDIA bloc wishes to make it a “agada (forward)” versus “pichchda (backward)” contest against the NDA. This dilutes the entire premise of their poll pitch of “Judega Bharat, Jeetega India”.
The caste census demand exposes the double standards of partners of INDIA bloc. DMK has been opposing delimitation and giving their haq to northern states who have been underrepresented in proportion to their population vis-a-vis the southern states in political representation since demographics changed after the last delimitation.
Further, DMK fundamentally is opposed to caste, with its leader A Raja quoted as terming “caste as a global disease” and saying “dividing people on caste lines is not good”. Demanding greater reservation by caste is tantamount to perpetuating the caste system.
Can Of Worms In Bengal, Bihar
Trinamool Congress (TMC) is also reportedly not very vocal about caste census. In Bengal due to the rule of Left parties for 34 years, class politics takes precedence over caste.
Census is a trap for TMC as it would push Bengal into caste politics like northern India and which BJP was seen pushing in 2021 unsuccessfully. Such a census would obviously show higher OBC population in the state run by a Brahmin (bhadralok) CM.
The caste census could open a Pandora's box for the opposition in other ways too. It's said that charity begins at home. The BJP has already demanded resignation of Nitish and Deputy Tejashwi both belonging to dominant OBCs to give way to EBCs.
The Bihar government has seven Yadav ministers out of cabinet of 31 (22.6 percent) which is higher than their proportionate population (14.3 percent). There are four ministers from Kurmi-Koeri community including the CM, which is double their proportion in the population.
The BJP has successfully created a wedge between dominant and non-dominant OBCs garnering 44 percent overall OBC support in 2019 precisely raising this point. Such a census could also lead to demand for installation of an OBC CM in Bengal.
While Rahul makes a point highlighting the fact that there are only three OBC secretaries out of 90 in the central government, a look at the recently revamped Congress Working Committee shows the community is under-represented. Only 16 out of 84 CWC members were OBCs, or in percentage terms only 19 percent.
Majority–Minority, Caste-Class Questions
There was dissent within the party as well. Senior MP Abhishek Singhvi termed the proportionate quota a seed of majoritarianism. Singhvi later deleted the tweet, attributing it to a staff member's carelessness. The continued dominance of the Modi-led BJP, and the rise of a new majoritarian grammar of politics has often been criticised by the opposition leaders.
Meanwhile, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has accused the opposition of dividing the society on caste lines, the day Bihar government released its report, adding gareeb is the biggest jati and biradri thereby giving a class tadka to the caste politics plank of the opposition.
Modi also invoked ex-PM Manmohan Singh to attack Rahul Gandhi highlighting that his remark contradicted the Congress veteran’s alleged 2006 statement that minorities must have the “first claim” on the country’s resources. Modi said, “But now Congress is saying that the population of the community will decide who will have the first right to the country's resources. So now do they (Congress) want to decrease the rights of the minority? Do they want to remove the minorities? So, should the Hindus, who have the largest population, come forward and take all their rights?”
While opposition hopes caste census demand can turn to be their trump card, it can backfire as well. It has the potential to tangle the opposition in too many contradictions, from which it could be difficult to wriggle out.
Amitabh Tiwari is a former corporate and investment banker-turned political strategist and commentator. Twitter: @politicalbaaba. Views are personal, and do not represent the stand of this publication.
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