The massive mobilisation and protests by the Dalit community, on August 21, over the demolition of a temple of Guru Ravidas in Delhi by the Delhi Development Authority (DDA) is unprecedented in the recent history of the national capital.
In the eye of the storm is a temple building built in 1959 and inaugurated by the Union minister Babu Jagjiwan Ram, who was then the tallest Dalit leader in the north India. Even though built in 1959, followers of the Ravidas believe that temple is centuries-old. According to the oral tradition, it was built in the 15th CE when Ravidas had visited the place and delivered sermons. The land is said to have been donated by the Sultan Sikandar Lodhi.
However, the DDA contests that the temple occupies protected forest land and was an unauthorised construction. The court cases are being fought since 1986 but in the end the Supreme Court upheld that Guru Ravidas Jainti Samaroh Samiti has been unable to prove its legal claim on the land and ordered shifting of the temple from the green area.
It seems that the DDA, in its haste to implement the order, forgot to deliberate upon the socio-political consequences and failed to take the local community into confidence. Guru Ravidas is revered by a large number of Dalits in Delhi, Punjab, Haryana and the western parts of Uttar Pradesh. A medieval bhakti movement poet-saint, he preached the gospel of social equality and argued against untouchability and hierarchy. Unlike other Dalit and Shudra saints, the tradition of Ravidas remained largely within the Dalit community, except his inclusion in the Sikh tradition where 41 of his poems are in the Adi Grantha.
In the 21st century, the rising Dalit socio-political assertion against the casteism in the Sikh society led to the split of the Dalit Sikhs who organised themselves under a separate religious identity of Ravidassia. They challenged the Sikh theology and asked why there are only 10 Gurus when Guru Granth Sahib contains hymns of dozens of gurus, including Dalit and Shudra gurus? The social split led to the creation of a new religious identity that continues to get consolidated even today.
This massive protest can be seen as a moment in the consolidation of this new religious identity where demolition of the sacred site has galvanised a large number of people cutting across regional differences. It is also a manifestation of the rise of the new generation of the Dalits that is more assertive and militant. These protests were not called for by any established political party but by numerous local organisations working on Dalit issues. It is an indication that the Dalit youth is outgrowing the old political formations and searching for alternative modes of mobilisation and a new leadership.
These protests saw Bhim Army chief Chandrashekhar Azad emerging once again at the centre of the movement, while older Dalit parties, such as Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), were desperately searching for the a foothold. The new youth leadership that the Bhim Army and similar organisations are increasingly providing to the Dalit community is changing the dynamics of the grass-root politics.
Unlike the BSP, which was content with winning seats in the legislature, these new Dalit organisations are revitalising the old style and sometimes militant street politics to challenge the issues of caste discrimination and marginalisation. The space of socio-political mobilisation vacated by the old guard is now being filled by the new leadership that is bound to create friction and lead to a struggle for leadership within the Dalit community.
The appeal and legitimacy of Mayawati continues to decline due to her one-after-the-other political failures and from being cut-off from the public. The political party started by Kanshi Ram is now reaching a dead-end and at this rate it will soon be superseded by another party—the interesting questions are, how and when.
At present it is not clear if that alternative will be Azad or someone else — this is because the next Dalit leader will have to not only have mobilisation skills, but also have an inspiring vision for the community. Unlike Kanshi Ram, who was clear that the capture of state-power was the agenda, the current Dalit leaders haven’t figured out what is it that they want to achieve from their politics. So, while they can succeed in mobilising the public on specific issues (such as the protest over the demolition of the Ravidas temple), they lack the capacity to turn these efforts into a coherent political movement and a political party.
We should expect more such mobilisations and protests as a new form of Dalit politics is taking shape. Meanwhile, we would do well to dwell upon the urban utopia that Guru Ravidas put forth in his immortal poem Begumpura:
‘The regal realm with the sorrowless name. / They call it Begumpura, a city without sorrow. / No taxes or cares, nor own property there, / No wrongdoing, worry, terror or torture. / Oh my brother, I have come to take it as my own, /My distant home, where everything is right.’
Abhinav Prakash Singh is assistant professor, Shri Ram College of Commerce, University of Delhi, Delhi. Views are personal.
Discover the latest Business News, Sensex, and Nifty updates. Obtain Personal Finance insights, tax queries, and expert opinions on Moneycontrol or download the Moneycontrol App to stay updated!
