Robbin Sharma: Meet the backroom strategist who scripted Chandrababu Naidu's stunning comeback in Andhra Pradesh

What's behind TDP's turnaround in Andhra Pradesh?

Jagan Mohan Reddy turned the Andhra Pradesh election into a class war - rich versus poor. This approach was flawed, especially coming from someone like Jagan, who has never experienced poverty and is the richest CM in the country. Furthermore, he was not very accessible throughout the campaign. We reshaped the narrative to Jagan versus the people of Andhra Pradesh. We named all our programs and campaigns after Praja (the people), effectively shifting the focus.

Can you explain the dynamics of the two-tier war room you set up for the TDP? How did it help the party succeed?

We set up a two-tier war room on a large scale for the first time. This was a departure from traditional top-down thinking. The strategic outpost included a city's central command centre (CCC) and hundreds of field workers. The CCC brought together office-bearers from all 175 Assembly constituencies, creating an interconnected network. This network helped identify and monitor real-time issues and develop tailored strategies for each Assembly segment. Chandrababu Naidu presented the CCC to all the candidates, assuring them of full support from the centre. We coordinated closely with over 1,400 ground-level workers, achieving real-time monitoring down to minute details, such as ensuring booth workers arrived on time and monitoring candidates' campaign paths.

What initiatives or tactics effectively engaged the TDP's voter base, and what was a significant turning point in the campaign?

There were three major points in the campaign. The first was the arrest of Chandrababu Naidu in September, which gave direction to the campaign. We launched "Nijam Gelavali." In Tirupati, Naidu’s wife, Bhuvaneswari, started a yatra from Naidu’s home constituency, Chandragiri. She visited the homes of two party sympathizers who died after Naidu's arrest, extending solidarity and financial support to their families. This created a sympathetic factor among the people. The second turning point was when Naidu took out a yatra after his release from jail. The third was the carefully crafted alliance between TDP, Jana Sena, and BJP, which consolidated the vote bank.

What were your main challenges during the campaign, and how were they addressed to ensure the party's victory?

Chandrababu Naidu made it clear that our mandate was to win the elections. The party was very cooperative, with no ego clashes, and the entire rank and file were on the same page. Even Jana Sena and BJP were aligned with us, which helped us focus on our goal.

The Super Six campaign attracted a lot of attention. How did it address public concerns about welfare and development?

Naidu consistently stressed the need for welfare and development to go hand in hand. During Idhem Karma, we discovered that women's emergency savings were impacted by inflation and job scarcity. To address this, we proposed providing Rs 1,500 per month for empowerment. Additionally, we included provisions such as offering three gas cylinders annually and Rs 15,000 for children in the Maha Shakti package to combat inflation and empower women.

We also investigated whether people were loyal to Jagan or solely interested in financial support, as welfare programs could be questioned. We found that individuals receiving financial aid also desired development and believed the government should not only provide assistance. While the YSRC focuses on wealth distribution, it fails to address how this will continue without funds. After Super 6, we shifted our focus to Naidu's core competency: development. We recognised that no one can spearhead development and governance like him. We started with a negative campaign but concluded positively with 'Babu Ni Malli Rappidam.'

What role did you play in identifying and addressing critical issues, such as public discontent against specific policies or government actions?

We conducted a door-to-door survey as part of the 'Idhem Karma Mana Rashtraniki' initiative to uncover people's problems. We received 55 lakh issues from the public across various categories, including drinking water, jobs, inflation, and development. Based on these issues, we formulated the Super Six plan. The strategy involved gathering people's feedback and sending completed forms explaining their problems to Chief Minister YS Jagan Mohan Reddy, questioning whether the YSRC had fulfilled 99% of the election promises. This aimed to make people realize that the government had failed and brought anti-incumbency from the subconscious to the conscious mind.

How did STC's strategic approach differ in serving the TDP compared to its previous engagements?

Before the Andhra Pradesh elections, STC’s first engagement was in Meghalaya and later with Aam Aadmi Party in 2022, but in an advisory role. In earlier cases, the time factor mattered as we had one and a half years for campaign planning and strategy, focusing on the goal. However, the case with the TDP was different. We had ample time in hand. We launched our first campaign in AP in November 2022. Here, we had time to develop groundwork and build up the campaign on a systematic structure with a time frame and focus on the mandate given by Chandrababu Naidu.

Can we say that STC beat IPAC in Andhra Pradesh, as you were behind TDP while IPAC managed Jagan’s YSRCP affairs in the state?

This is a victory for Chandrababu Naidu and the TDP alliance. It is not simply a competition between STC and IPAC, mainly because I have a close connection to IPAC. I initially worked there and later moved on to new opportunities. In Andhra Pradesh, STC supported Naidu, while IPAC supported Jagan. Our focus was on securing a win, and we accomplished that.